INTEGRATING THE CULTURE OF ZIKIR AND SLAWATAN ON THE COMMITMENT OF THE MAULID NABI MUHAMMAD

ABSTRACT


A. INTRODUCTION
One of the fastest growing religious and social gatherings in Jambi Indonesia, is the Slawatan ritual.The word Slawatan comes from the Arabic word "Salah", which translates to mean the five daily prayers in Islam (Woodward et al. 2012, 126).In Indonesian, Slawatan comes from Sholawat (prayer).From the outset, this form of ritual was performed using different Islamic commemorative traditions, including the "Mawlid Nabi" (celebration of the prophet's birth).Early celebrations included poetry readings and praise to the Prophet and his family.Poems and songs praising the companions of the prophet, saints and religious leaders were included later.The commemoration comes in various forms, such as feeding the poor, dhikr, worshiping Allah, sending blessings to the messenger and listening to the life story of the Prophet ( Marhaban 2014).According to Pigeuad, quoted by Ricklefs, Slawatan is part of the rich variety of popular Javanese performances associated with Islamic piety.Initially, Slawatan was led and followed by followers or Santri and Nahdlatul Ulama (Ricklefs 2012, 32-34).Recently, this phenomenon has changed greatly.Currently, Slawatan followers come from various circles.They include Ulama, Santri, Kyai, politicians, businessmen, police, students and families from various groups.The Al-Asyiqin Jambi Council is an assembly of remembrance and prayer that was established in 2010.This assembly is called the Al-Asyiqin Assembly, which is chaired by Master Sheikh Mohammmad Yusuf al Banjari.This assembly is located on Jalan Patimura, Jambi city, Jambi province.The ta'lim assembly is routinely held by the Jambi community according to the schedule.Ritual performances follow a systematic model.This implies dhikr which is the worship of the names of Allah, followed by the name of the Prophet.All Muslims in all parts of the world, especially the Jambi community make dhikr together.People are always overcome with deep spiritual and emotional feelings about this and some shed tears.This type of feeling is hard to explain unless you do.People nod from right to left as they do dhikr.After dhikr, they turn to songs, especially about the love of the Prophet.People's tone, music and mood change to something more relaxed.
This process lasts one to two hours and Habib Sheikh continuously moves from one song to another, sometimes waving goodbye to the participants.In the center of the procession is the Maulid Nabi ( the birth of the Prophet).When the show reaches this stage, everyone is required to get up and sing "Tala Al Badru Allainah, Minn Sani Yaa until Wah Da I".This activity was continued with da'wah about the history of the life of the Prophet Muhammad, his family and friends.Other da'wah points include the life histories of influential saints and religious leaders who have contributed to the spread and spread of Islam in Java and other parts of the world.The sermon is followed by Du'a'a (prayer being read) and closing remarks.
The problem that underlies this research is that the ritual has now been widely transformed by various religious leaders from its original spiritual purpose into a popular Muslim cultural performance.Among the leaders of these great scholars was Habib Sheikh.Habib Sheikh bin Abdulkadir Assegaf was born in 1961 in Surakarta, a city in the central province of Java in Indonesia.Habib is one of the most influential Hadhrami Arabs in the diaspora, and his origin can be attributed to Hadhramaut, a region located in Yemen, in the Middle East.In keeping with the Hadhrami genealogical tradition, Habib Sheikh received Religious education and Slawatan training from his father and two uncles, one of whom was also an imam at the Riyadh mosque, while the other was from Yemen (Woodward et al. 2012, 121-122).
Habib Syekh started his Slawatan performances at a young age, after receiving religious education and the blessing of his father and uncle.It has a general population, ranging from thousands to tens of thousands sometimes in one night of Slawatan.It has official times planned for Slawatan and other parts of Central and East Java.Recently, he has also been to Melaka and Kuala Lumpur in Malaysia and Singapore.His ascent to fame has contributed to the revitalization of Slawatan rituals as a form of Muslim culture carried out in a public context, not requiring one to be affiliated with any particular sect, organization or social obligation (Woodward et al 2012, 127-128).
Scholarships on Indonesian Sufi orders began around 1960.However, it was not until the 1980s that they began to receive greater attention.According to Van Brunessen (1998), during this period, found new developments in urban and educated circles.Their large number of disciples quickly gave them significant religious and political advantages.In the 1990s, the emergence of well-known and charismatic religious leaders led to the social transformation of mediated practices into new traditional cultures.These changes have created a new kind of social space, in which urban residents of Java and other parts of the Malaysian archipelago actively participate in activities.It is generally regarded as urban Sufism, and also in the context of neo-Soufism (Woodward et al. 2012).Moreover, it is called urban Sufism because of its practice in cities where people in these places participate in rituals (Zamhari and Howell 2012).A statement from the former president of Indonesia, Abdurrahman Wahid (Gusdur), he has a history of Hadhrami andJavanese. Gus Dur (1940-2009) launched the Sufi tradition of "Gusdurian" which spreads religious pluralism, democratic governance and local models of Muslim piety.His leadership at Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in the 1990s led to a combination of Hadhrami practices and purification in Salawatan rituals and therefore contributed to the Hadhrami and Javanese Islamic civilization (Woodward et al. 2012, 119-120).
Researchers such as Clifford Geertz (1973), Catherine Bell (1992), Victor Turner (1995), Mark Woodward (2011, 2012), J. Howell (2001), James Morris (2005) and Van Brunessen (1998) tried to use ritual theory to examine the practices of different societies, including Indonesia.Based on these studies, this research underscores the important role of Habib Sheikh and more in the motivation of people to seek different experiences in religious change.Highlighted in neo-Sufism and illustrated in Slawatan in Indonesia.After finding research problems and identifying gaps in the literature, this article aims to examine the transformation of the Slawatan ritual as a neo-Soufism practice, as well as the role of Habib Sheik, as well as the factors that influence it in connection with this religious change in Indonesia.

B. METHOD
The methodological principles of this study are built on the idea that a complex set of factors plays an important role in people's motivation to participate in popular pious practices and that religious change is found in neo-Sufism.Slawatan rituals in Indonesia require investigation.By answering research questions, this work adopts a qualitative approach and analysis to build a compelling chain of evidence.Data collection involves several techniques.The analytical data of this research were obtained from the observations of the participants, on the printed editions of books, reports, magazines, newspapers and journal articles, as well as those published online.A review of the literature and ethnographic research data will locate the survey subject in the relevant field of study and provide a synthesized interpretation framework to fully analyze the data and issues collected in the research.
In addition, selected interviews and discussions with key informants, including other actors and participants, will contribute a key component to the chain of evidence with different perspectives on the transformation of Slawatan Rituals and neo-Soufism, this study aims at the application of several data collection techniques, including work in the field, enabling a better study of the complex dimensions of the survey subject.

1.Objektif
The aims of this study are: first, to question the transformation of the Slawatan ritual as a neo-Soufism practice and to explore the role of Habib Sheik, as well as the factors that motivate people to seek different experiences in this regard.It is a period of religious change in Indonesia.Second, is the study of qualitative data over time in the evaluation of Habib Sheikh, Slawatan rituals and Neo-Soufism in the daily life of the city of Jambi, in Indonesia.Finally, this study will contribute to the existing literature related to Slawatan Ritual and Neo-Soufism and highlight ways for additional research on the specific question under consideration.

2.Outline
This study consists of four parts.The first part is the research introduction; The research problem and how it relates to the research problem; the methodology adopted, the aims and global contribution of this research.The second part places a survey of my research in the related field of study and describes the synthesized interpretation framework and the basis from which the data were analysed.The third section advances the survey by detailing and analyzing the data collected, covering the complex nature of the ritual process, actors, and followers.Finally, the fourth section concludes the survey by presenting a summary of the main conclusions from the previous data analysis to support the study's overall argument.

THEORTICAL FRAMEWORK
The theory used in this study considers ritual as a field of anthropological study.Anthropology deals with various theories of ritual, which help us understand the essence of practice in various societies.This approach was chosen because it allows for an in-depth study of Slawatan and Neo-Soufism, as well as engaging in broader academic debates on the subject of the survey.The use of ritual theory in the context of research methodology increases a broader understanding of Slawatan rituals.
First, Geertz (1973, 112) argues that rituals shape social order and impose meaning on disorganized experiences.In addition, Geertz's symbolic approach to scholars was influenced by rituals such as Bronislaw Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown, George C. Humans and Edmund Leach, who also saw ritual as a description of social order (Lessa and Vogt 1979, 38;Homans 1941, 171;Homans 2013, 155-158;Leach 1970, 12;Tambiah 2002, 355-481).Geertz believed that ritual was a way of expressing social arousal (Bell 1992, 66-67;Geertz, 1973).Geertz's understanding of Ritual as symbolic and shaping social order in society has been expanded by researchers such as Munn (1973), Davis-Floyd (2003), Schirch (2005) and Firth (2011), who follow his approach.First, Munn (1973, 593) seems to complement Geertz's efforts, arguing that ritual symbols define and maintain a coherent and balanced relationship between individual subjectivity and objective social order.Moreover, in his contribution to the subject, Davis-Floyd (2003, 10) asserts that rituals serve to support the belief system of individuals with social groups presiding over the rituals.In addition, Firth (2011, 207) states that in the sociological and anthropological field, a symbol is a characteristic term for a set or group of people, for an institution or for a type of situation.
Second, Schirch (2005, 16) concludes that a ritual there is a feeling of the imagination of the world, trapped under the agency of a set of symbolic forms, resulting in a distinctive transformation in the sense of its reality.In addition, sacred symbols evoke a certain mood and enthusiasm in people.Likewise, they formulate general conceptions of the order of reality with the people they meet.This analysis will lead us to understand how people behave during Slawatan rituals.The majority of the participants were considered excited, actively flying the flag and some even cried because of the emotions that came from the songs and music performances.At the beginning of the approach of Geertz and his supporters, Catherine Bell understood ritual as a form of discipline and a process of ritualization.Bell's theory helps us to understand the role of Habib Sheikh as a higher authority, and the participants who participate in the rituals as guardians are the ones who legitimize the rituals.Bell's understanding of ritual as a discipline required a "higher authority" to be there to legitimize ritual performance.In an oral society, for example in Java, the community acts as the guardian of a higher authority.They hold the power to judge ritual performance and to validate its relationship to the past and present (Bell 1992, 120).
This theory helps explain the transformation of the Slawatan ritual from the traditional space of the Pesantren to the public sphere.Habib Sheikh's arrival effectively moved religious leaders and state officials.His ability to write texts in Arabic and Javanese, which were later published in books and brochures, is a testament to the discipline and quality of action embodied in the ritual.Thus, the general public first has access to read and observe performances in public spaces.
In conclusion, the various theories presented in this study illustrate the multidimensional explanation of ritual theory.A fundamental element of ritual theory is the purpose of rituals to serve as symbols, disciplines or ritualization processes.All of these aspects are clearly seen in the Slawatan ritual and the people involved in it.However, it is important to criticize the theory of rituals, because rituals are not limited to the explanations given, as they differ from place to place.In addition, Geertz himself was criticized by other researchers, such as Talal Asad.Asad said Geertz tends to separate the notion of religion from a particular social context and considers it independent.In this sense, he tries to distinguish religion from non-religious practice by asserting that religious practice is all that maintains a certain nature of reality.This is a weakness of Geertz's great intellectual masterpiece, but it does not undermine its credibility in the metaphysical and anthropological interpretation of religion.Using a genealogical perspective, ASAD (1993,.supports in Geertz's way of dealing with religion primarily as a question of meaning, linked to the concept of a general order, and that it is an implicitly modern and privatized Christian approach, which masks the power relations that give birth to religion, insofar as it emphasizes the priority of belief as a state of mind.

RITUAL SLAWATAN
Ritual performance is a systematic model.First, the activity begins with various logistics which include making tents and the stages in which the event must take place.The structure is well decorated, the background is covered with a large poster of Sheikh Habib.We can also see the calligraphy writing of his name, the organizer of the ritual, the purpose of the ritual of this particular performance, as well as the date and place.This ritual is generally performed at night between 9 pm.and 12 pm There is a dress code where people in attendance generally wear white.Men wear hats, turbans and scarves to cover their heads, while women use sails and scarves.All participants, including Habib Sheikh, sat on the ground.The procedure began after the arrival of Habib Sheikh and his entourage which included members of his group named Ahbabul Mustapha.Before that, most of the participants had come and were going to sit in their respective places, while songs from Dhikr and Habib Syekh were played to excite the audience.The tambourines (drummers) and supporting singers will sit in their respective positions and will test their equipment.The second part begins with the opening declaration and prayers.
After Dhikr and songs comes Da'wah.Da'wah concerns the history of the life of the Prophet Muhammad, his family and companions.Other da'wah points include the life histories of influential saints and religious leaders who have contributed to the spread and spread of Islam in Java and other parts of the world.Habib Sheikh also preached on matters of common concern that affect society, including political, economic, social and cultural issues.In some cases, during his preaching, he asked people to write notes about things they wanted to talk about and questions were then allowed.Da'wah is followed by Du'a (prayer reading).Habib Sheikh generally says a prayer by reading the verses of the Koran with the rest in the local language or Indonesian.The prayer is followed by a closed speech, generally by one of the leaders of the group of religious leaders present.Shortly after the prayer, the participants prepared to leave.Also at this stage, people advance their water bottles.Habib Sheikh blesses the water by sticking their fingers in it and reading a prayer.When he was about to leave, as well as all the leaders, people formed a queue to shake hands and hug, also to seek blessings (Barakah).The last part is the distribution of food and drinks to the participants (Ilham 2011, 67-75).Habib Sheikh and religious leaders, including the elite, are generally received in a special

D. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, it gathers analysis from previous studies and provides a global summary of the main results.answers the research question by highlighting the transformation of the Slawatan ritual into the practice of neo-Soufism, and the role of Habib Sheikh in this transformation, as well as the set of processes that motivate people seeking different experiences as part of religion.To accomplish this task, a preliminary literature review describes the role of influential leaders such as Habib Sheik in the transformation of traditional Sufi practices into new forms of performance, including the Slawatan ritual.This transformation has created a new religious and social space in urban life in Jambi in particular, Indonesia and is called neo-sufism.
The open transmission pattern on the art of Slawatan is of course very influential to the preservation of the art for the future.The great support from the government of Jambi city as well as their public figures upon the art of Slawatan is really needed as the attempt of socialization to all the people of jambi.If all elements of the people are able to keep maintaining the existence of the art, then indirectly that will be the attempt for the cultural preservation in jambi city.
A literature review of secondary sources related to the field of study has informed and supervised the analysis of primary data collected through participant observation and various techniques.The adoption of this type of qualitative methodological approach has allowed a fuller exploration of the role of Habib Sheik and the overall complex of factors that play an important role in the motivation of people to adopt popular piety and religious change as they did in neo-sufism and in Slawatan rituals in Indonesia.Obviously, Habib SheikH's leadership and charismatic skills became one of the main factors in the transformation of the Slawatan ritual.However, the data reveal that there are also a complex set of other factors and interests that condition people's experiences and motivations.The extent to which Habib Sheik transformed the Slawatan ritual is related and mediated by a complex set of factors and interests, as detailed in this study.These include spiritual music, water for healing and the search for Barakah (blessings).